Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item:
http://ir.mu.ac.ke:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/4669
Full metadata record
DC Field | Value | Language |
---|---|---|
dc.contributor.author | Sikuku, Justine M. | - |
dc.contributor.author | Diercks, Michael | - |
dc.contributor.author | Marlo, Michael R. | - |
dc.date.accessioned | 2021-06-21T15:01:24Z | - |
dc.date.available | 2021-06-21T15:01:24Z | - |
dc.date.issued | 2019 | - |
dc.identifier.uri | https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.00027.sik | - |
dc.identifier.uri | http://ir.mu.ac.ke:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/4669 | - |
dc.description.abstract | Object markers (OMs) in Bantu languages have long been argued to be either incorporated pronouns or agreement morphemes, distinguished mainly by their ability (or not) to co-occur with (i.e. double) in situ objects. Lubukusu appears to be an instance of OMs-as-incorporated pronouns, as OMs in neutral discourse contexts cannot double in situ objects in a broad range of syntactic contexts. As we show, however, certain pragmatic contexts in fact do license OM-doubling; we demonstrate that OM-doubling in Lubukusu is licit only on a verum (focus) interpretation. We analyze OM-doubling within a Minimalist framework as the result of an Agree relation between the object and a verum-triggering Emphasis head (Emph°). The non-doubling OM results from an incorporation operation. We therefore claim that Lubukusu displays two distinct syntactic derivations of OMs (generating doubling and non-doubling) with the interpretive effects of OM-doubling arising from the semantic/pragmatic properties of Emph°. | en_US |
dc.language.iso | en | en_US |
dc.publisher | John Benjamins Publishing Company | en_US |
dc.subject | Clitic doubling | en_US |
dc.subject | Verum focus | en_US |
dc.subject | Bantu | en_US |
dc.subject | Lubukusu | en_US |
dc.title | Pragmatic effects of clitic doubling Two kinds of object markers in Lubukusu | en_US |
dc.type | Article | en_US |
Appears in Collections: | School of Arts and Social Sciences |
Files in This Item:
There are no files associated with this item.
Items in DSpace are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise indicated.